This site may contain copyrighted material the use of which has not always been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. We are making such material available in an effort to advance understanding of environmental, political, human rights, economic, democracy, scientific, and social justice issues, etc. we believe this constitutes a ‘fair use’ of any such copyrighted material as provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright Law.
In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, the material on this site is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the included information for research and educational purposes. For more information go to: http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/17/107.shtml
If you wish to use copyrighted material from this site for purposes of your own that go beyond ‘fair use’, you must obtain permission from the copyright owner.
FAIR USE NOTICE FAIR USE NOTICE: This page may contain copyrighted material the use of which has not been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. This website distributes this material without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the included information for scientific, research and educational purposes. We believe this constitutes a fair use of any such copyrighted material as provided for in 17 U.S.C § 107.
FAIR USE NOTICE FAIR USE NOTICE: This page may contain copyrighted material the use of which has not been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. This website distributes this material without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the included information for scientific, research and educational purposes. We believe this constitutes a fair use of any such copyrighted material as provided for in 17 U.S.C § 107.
If the Supreme Court overturns the health-care law, Democrats will be
tempted to sulk and feel sorry for themselves. But that’s the last thing
they should do.
I
expect, as I think most of us do, an unfriendly decision (from the
Democratic point of view) on the health-care law. Can’t yet say how
unfriendly; at the very least, an overturning of the individual mandate,
and maybe more. Assuming that’s correct, the question immediately
becomes how the president and the Democrats should respond. There’s very
little they can do legislatively. But I’ll be watching for rhetoric,
tone, even body language. And on those counts, they had damn well better
dispense with the usual liberal woe-is-me hand-wringing and shoulder
slumping and come out swinging. They had better communicate to their
base that they stand for something, it’s important to them, and they’re
pissed. And if they do it the right way, they can make the Supreme Court
an issue this fall in a way that might even persuade some swing voters
that the court overstepped its bounds. I’d go so far as to say that an
aggressive response can reset and reframe the whole health-care debate,
once Americans have had their minds focused on this by a blatantly
partisan court.
Let’s say the court overturns the mandate by a typical 5-4 vote,
but leaves the rest of the law intact. What must the Democrats do? The
main thing is all about tone. I can just picture already what I fear I
will see: Obama coming out to a press conference with his head down,
speaking in a dour monotone, still trying to point out the silver
linings but in a way that sends the message to anyone listening that
he’s really apologizing for them, and muttering that he is now “calling
on the Congress to act” (this has become my least favorite Obama phrase)
and get busy working on one of the alternative approaches that will
still keep the law alive—which is nothing more than a punchline, really,
because everybody knows Congress isn’t lifting a finger.
No,
a thousand times no! He needs to stand up there and get mad. The law
may be unpopular, but he and the Democrats are stuck with it, and being
stuck with it, they need to stick by it. Almost never before in American
history has a Supreme Court taken a law duly passed by the people’s
representatives and in just two years’ time invalidated it. If that
isn’t legislating from the bench, what is? Mr. Cool needs to get Hot.
Against unanimous and ferocious opposition, and in the face of blatant
lies about what this bill would and would not do, he and the Democrats
came up with a way for people with cancer and diabetes and what have you
to get the treatment they need and not be either turned away or gouged.
He’s proud of that, he ought to say, and by God, he’s going to fight
for it. That provision of the law is wildly popular—85 percent supported
that, in a late-March New York Timessurvey. If you can’t play offense with 85 percent of the people behind you, I give up.
He
should also go right at Mitt Romney, on two points. First, Romney
flatly opposes coverage for all people with preexisting conditions. He
backs care only for those who have had “continuous coverage,” and not
for people whose insurance had lapsed at any point
during their illness. So Romney is against something 85 percent of
Americans support. I am sadly confident that you did not know that. Good
work, Democrats.
Second:
when Romney was governor, he supported—insisted on—exactly the same
provision that the court will have just struck down. The people of
Massachusetts were forced to buy insurance. They live under that regime
today, thanks to Governor Romney. And guess what? They like it—62
percent approved of the law, in a poll from earlier this year.
And now, to please far-right interests putting hundreds of millions of
dollars into his campaign, he would deny the people of the country the
one good thing he did for the people of Massachusetts as their governor.
Now we come to the court itself. Far be it from me to second-guess Jeff Shesol, who wrote in Newsweek that Obama should not take on the court. But a brand-new poll
by Hart Research for the Alliance for Justice suggests that with the
right approach, the court can be made an issue. In the case that I
suggested at the top of this column—a 5-4 decision along the usual
lines—69 percent of Democrats and 57 percent of independents agreed that
“they would believe that the justices based their decisions more on
their own political views than on their interpretation of the law and
Constitution.” Fifty-seven is not an overwhelming majority. But it’s a
majority nonetheless, and if Democrats aren’t afraid to make this case
strongly, they can turn it into an even bigger one.
And finally: blow that stupid broccoli analogy out of the water. Need to know how, Democrats? Here: read me on it.
In
sum, the Democrats should see an adverse decision as a chance to put
the other guys—the Republicans in Congress, Romney, and the court’s
ideological majority—on the defensive. It is what Republicans would do;
they’d bay endlessly about an “out of control” court and all the rest.
It’s one of the key psychological differences between conservatives and
liberals. When conservatives suffer a political setback, they prowl the
terrain like lions, looking for a few necks to bite. When liberals
suffer one, they ball up like kittens and ask themselves, “Oh, gee, what
did we do wrong?”
That
impulse, not any particular talking point, has been the whole problem
on this health-care debate to begin with. As it is on so many matters.
Maybe John Roberts and his little quartet of sea-green incorruptibles
will finally get it through their heads.
No comments:
Post a Comment